This paper investigates the changes along the 'TV' value chain driven by the launch and growing impact of broadcasters' VOD platforms. Firstly, it analyzes the situation in Germany, the world's 4th largest TV market, and relates it to the developments in the Unites States. Secondly, the paper compares the findings to insights gained from other media industries such as music, books and newspapers, as it claims that the conceptual groundings are too similar to be ignored. Research Background (without Literature Background): In the US, prominent players like Hulu, Netflix, and iTunes offered VOD platforms to enter the TV value chain in the last decade. Due to their different home grounds and competitive resources, offer different content contributions and follow different business models (advertising versus subscription, viewer business versus whole/syndication activities). Hence, they differently impact the roles of established content producers, studios, cable operators, and TV networks along the TV value chain. What is the situation in Germany? Broadcasters position themselves, seemingly following Hulu's early steps. However, they still rarely provide on-demand offerings of TV content (including movies and TV series) beyond the station's website or app. With about 55% market share, iTunes dominates the market. Other VOD offerings are provided by German Telekom ('T-Entertain'), ProSiebenSat.1 ('maxdome') and some cable operators. The two large commercial TV broadcasters, ProSieben/Sat.1 and RTL Group, did not pass the anti-trust hurdle with their joint effort to establish a rather closed VOD platform. Currently, the country's two public TV stations together with some producers and distributors drive a similar effort under the working title 'Germany's Gold.' It is still up for antitrust investigation with regard to the producer and the viewer market shares. Research Approach and Research Questions: Based on a broad set of industry and case data, this paper provides an economic analysis, asking: (1) What is the comparative advantage of traditional TV stations (networks) offering a station-network driven VOD TV platform (second screen)? [What are the country-specific conditions for such an endeavor to be successful?] (2) What is the impact of such a station/network driven VOD platform on the viewer market for national 'TV' consumption? (3) How (if at all) to profitably shape any rather national VOD-solution in light of global, not industry specific mega-players (e.g., Apple or Google) or strong US TV/VOD players moving international (e.g., Hulu or Netflix)? (4) What conceptual similarities and differences are to be expected in comparison to the changes in the industries of music, newspapers, and books as other content/media industries: Findings: Even for 'TV content', characterized by strong (national) regulation and common national IP and distribution rights, the general trend of the Internet age will rather sooner than later lead to internationally converging, mass market, and perhaps rather non-linear TV consumption. 'Global' revenue sharing models for content provisioning and distribution ought to gain importance. Content providers and distributors aim at reach and attention (eyeballs) for their content. For them it is costly and often contra-productive to assure revenue flows from happy customers when relying upon existing or potential national or international legal or technical barriers. Music, books, and newspapers have been learning to deal with changing industry players, relative shares of value creation, and different kinds of products and services that consumers 'pay for.' In times of industry-independent 'bit-based' content, 'TV' will not be so different – regardless of different industry history, regulation, and established business models
